Contact left! Hostile Environment & First Aid Course

After three days of evacuating compromised vehicles, running from explosions and masked gunmen, my confidence was jostling the north star, sky high. A good nights sleep and a hot shower later, it’s dawned on me that I’m still just a kid who rode a bike for the first time. A bike with stabilisers.

When a select triumvirate of double-‘ard military men tell you to do something, you do it, and you do it fast. You listen, and you listen well, because you know that somewhere down the line your life could be at stake, or the life of a friend or colleague. I’m haunted by the mad dash from an ambushed land rover which saw my team navigator, codename ‘Geordie’, abandoned alone and at the mercy of a guy in a balaclava with a handgun. During debrief, Geordie told the team:

The gunman said ‘if you don’t come back here by the count of three, he’s a dead man’.

Twelve boots running on uneven ground meant we heard none of this; we left the area as quick as we could, got our bearings, and tried to find a way to safety, following train tracks and avoiding roads.

From a utilitarian perspective, six of us got away, but in the real world we may have been running headlong into some other danger. The reality was, I didn’t even think about the poor lad at the time; self preservation kicked in hard, we saw cover and went for it. It wasn’t a case of ‘forget about him’, because I never thought about the poor guy at all.

I’d learned first aid, navigation by map and compass or by the night sky, and that you have more chance of survival if you stick together. All together, not six of seven, five of seven. Weigh up being kidnapped with someone familiar or being kidnapped alone… there is no question that, in a life-threatening, harrowing situation, solitude will only compound the misery. Geordie’s blood is on my hands. Sorry pal, it’ll be different next time…

…but in the real world, there is no ‘next time’.

If you want to be a journalist and cover important events in uncertain times, you need to do this course. Enormous thanks to the blue dot team, consumate professionals with real-life experience.

Read Geordie’s story here.

Media culture and environmental journalism

Environmental reporting has always struggled to garner column inches: It is not purely event-based, but ongoing, making it hard to penetrate the media agenda. An oil spill or earthquake will be splashed over the front page for up to a week, depending on the severity, locale or casualties, before disappearing into the ether where important, ongoing, but not necessarily exiting stories reside. Any news agency worth their salt would be all over a bull in a china shop, but no-one would report on sticking the plates back together.

Climate change has the same problem, of course: It’s hard to document in actual time, as a narrative of significant events, despite continuing every minute of every day. The consequences are dire, yet climate change does not fit into the media model of what is happening right now.

Environmental journalism in Britain has attempted to evolve from antithetical scaremongering into something more scientific and consistent. Furor over nuclear power, GM crops, or the MMR vaccine is a thing of the past: The MMR example would never happen today, as journalists strive to create a balanced picture of the science behind a potential story, rather than finding and publicising the most controversial report, sometimes based around an insignificant sample of evidence.

The desired change can be summarised by the prioritisation of evidence over sensationalism, environmental journalism mirroring science by using research to create hypothesis, rather than plucking select information to prove what could become a powerful story. Points to the journalists, then, but not so to the publications…

You are the editor: A rival publication runs a story that attracts hightened public attention, increases their circulation, and sparks debate. You speak to your environmental correspondent, who says ‘I’ve come across this story before, it doesn’t add up, it’s based on one report from some crackpot source’. Do you abandon the story and miss out on the chance to compete in the marketplace and become part of the genesis of public discourse? Or do you tell your reporter to go with it, regardless of concerns surrounding the integrity of the story?

A pre-eminent environmental journalist (who shall remain unnamed) told me: “The closer you get to the front page, the less likely it is to be true.” A scary thought indeed, and symptomatic of an incompatible relationship between news culture and environmental science.

Media culture and climate change

Mass media increasingly prioritises entertainment, because entertainment shifts units. It is perceived, with more than a grain of truth, that ‘the audience’ en masse prioritise distraction over information. One way to encourage audience attention is to create conflict, encourage debate and attempt to strike a balance of voices, even when the reality of a situation is self-evident.

The struggle to prolong the presence of climate change on the media agenda is forced to meet the issue of manufactured debate for entertainment head-on. Climate change is not deemed to be news-worthy, at least in the context of events which occur with immediacy and international significance, therefore it is framed as a debate over existence rather than impact.

So many TV spots or column inches place a climate scientist into a discourse of debate with a climate sceptic: These sceptics are never scientists, but politicians or businessmen, sometimes even journalists, always people with an agenda to protect or sell, undermining the scientific reality of climate change for the criteria of entertainment.

Without this inhibiting construct how does climate change stay in the news? Often through scaremongering, the selection of the worst, most extreme findings from hypotheses designed to examine the most hostile planetary prognosis. Not necessarily the most scientifically rigorous, but always provoking the most reaction.

If legitimate climate science is deemed to be lacking the empirical qualities that create news, yet the evidence and scientific examination exists, the discourse of climate change becomes a tiny metal globe on the roulette wheel that is the blogosphere. Some bloggers are able to provide accurate first-hand interpretation of complex ideas which the media refuse to acknowledge. Others have louder voices, less analytical capacity, and amplify the ‘he says/she says’ structure of the entertainment-based news media.

“There is a sense that environmental journalism is about cataloging a decline,” a former environmental correspondent told me, and this is to do with media culture more than the desires and stories offered by the journalists themselves. When the outlets for climate discourse in the media are framed, irrelevant debate or cherry-picking the most extreme information, the possibility of solution-based journalism will always fall by the wayside.

Any portmanteau in a storm: Kony and the media lexicon

Something deep inside tells me I should apologise for the pun-tastic title. I silence this inner voice with gusto.

One of many things that irks me about journalism are the buzzwords that writers create to try and essentialise an issue. Here are two portmanteaus that have infiltrated the media lexicon: The first, ‘churnalism’, I can abide by; if I hear or read the second, ‘clicktivism’, I have to excuse myself from present company and gouge my eyes out with a spoon.

What does this have to do with war criminal de jour Joseph Kony? Column inches, I would suggest.

Churnalism first. Invisible Children’s Kony 2012 campaign goes viral, transcends viral, becomes a permanent feature of ones facebook feed, appearing more than misspelt descriptions of peoples dinners. A phenomenon indeed. The media pick up on this and they write of the video’s impact; it is not their responsibility to scrutinise the content, the producers, the history of Uganda. The story is, essentially, ‘people watch something, are moved to care’. As encouraging it is to know that people care, Kony is relatively old news; is a man six years in exile more important than Sudanese elections, a coup in Mali, or Somalia’s unabated civil conflict?

Will it take a video with high production values and a skillfully coordinated PR campaign to make people care? Churnalism, by definition, is the regurgitation of press release material in the media. As important as the message which Kony 2012 communicates is, for it to dominate media discourse on African politics is counter-productive; there is so much more happening that demands our attention.

Attention is not action, however, which brings me onto the abomination of the English language that is clicktivism.*

Clicktivism inhabits facebook and appears to provide the same satisfaction as popping a zit: What does liking a humanitarian cause on a social network have to do with activism? It’s akin to giving a crying, hungry child a fruit pastille; it changes nothing, except perhaps the perception of you held by some of your more ‘gullible’ friends. There is nothing active about clicking, at best the combined power of millions of ‘clicktivists’ can penetrate the media, which can then influence political approaches to a situation, which results in more humanitarian aid, in the form of finance or food. African governments, Uganda included, have terrible records for hoarding aid money for personal use and restricting the dissemination of food on tribal or economic grounds. This flawed cycle continues irrespective of what you like or watch on the internet.

‘Clicktivism’ is not active, therefore it is anathema. Furthermore, because people think that they’ve done something, they then shy away from real activism (read: Actually Doing Something) and the movement, as a whole, is weakened. The concept of social ‘awereness’ to me is a part of the political lexicon: You know something is going on, you can talk about it, form an opinion. Clicktivism is the very base notion of awareness.

Churnalism expands awareness, which is only the beginning of contribution. Clicktivism implies that it is also the end… not so.

*It doesn’t even work as a portmanteau, the assonance isn’t consistent!

Think on this:

Jon Lee Anderson, the New Yorker

Vice Magazine

Ugandan Oil

Clicktivism is the devil

What’s the alternative? Or how objectivity made me a better journalist, but no less furious

These are my thoughts about the murder of alternative kids in Iraq, and an article which I wrote about it. I recommend you read the article first, or read the Catcher in the Rye. Just keep reading.

During my short, not particularly illustrious foray into journalism thus far, I’ve found myself playing a few parts that haven’t been worn well. Good journalism demands the right mindset, preferably the insight of an insider, and the ability to become a conduit for the story and the characters involved.

No-one will take your writing seriously if you don’t understand. The transparency of striving for comprehension, to my critical eye, just makes the reader a little uncomfortable. They know that you are not the right man or woman for the job.

On the other hand, sometimes a story just fits like a glove.

Reports emerged from Iraq last weekend of Morality Police (think Saudi’s Muttawa) murdering young Iraqis because of their refusal to conform. Media focus was on ’emo’ culture, but newspapers and websites were running images of normal looking kids wearing tight jeans and gel in their hair. Approximately 100 kids were feared to have been killed at that point, which made me sad.

Western emo culture doesn’t resonate with me personally, but the sickening repression of young people trying to express themselves most certainly does. My first instinct? Expose the evil b*****ds, tear their culture to shreds, what kind of human beings commit such despicable, cowardly, disgusting atrocities?

Then I remembered, it’s human nature. This made me sadder still.

Sweeping statement? Generalisation? Maybe, but the US and the UK both have a history of trying to beat the spirit of rebellion out of their youth, and both have created an ideological apparatus which drives conformist kids to ostricise anyone different. Western governments may not murder their curious children, but they don’t neccassarily embrace them either.

Iraqi culture is fundamentally different: Iraqis don’t worship at the secular churches of football or shopping, religious teachings dictate their scope of expression, activity, clothing… it’s not wrong, but it’s different; massively different. Murdering teenagers, however, is unequivocally wrong.

Herein lies my journalistic dillema: Am I writing to undermine a repressive regime although I understand their culture and the concern over Westernisation? Am I writing as someone who used to be a teenager, associated himself with punk culture and rebelled against what I was expected to be? Or am I responsible enough to be objective, refuse to fan the flames, and report the truth I can find?

My opinion is thus: If you grow up in an occupied territory, surrounded by violence, haunted by death, schooled in religion and religious anger, it takes a great deal of intelligence and bravery to even consider looking for an alternative way to live, be it music culture, fashion, anything… To be killed for having the spirit of youth is mind-blowing, ridiculous, insane…

If (as I hope), this view didn’t come through from my news article, you now know that I’m infuriated. And I want you to know.

Can social media and the news co-exist?

It’s hard to imagine how news was disseminated before the internet. News agencies and aggregators make the furthest corners of the world instantaneously accessible to those with the technology to log on, and that number continues to grow. My routine is thus: Google news is my homepage and I scroll through, coffee steaming by my side, reading articles, making mental notes and collating a grey-scale, catch-all assessment of the most important stories of the day.

Twitter is my next port of call, offering the opportunity to discover developments from only moments before through text, images and video. Embedded journalists tweet as they go about their news-gathering business, embattled civilians tweet as chaos unfolds around them.

You can find advocacy or criticism and you can find it quickly, but without the solid foundations laid by reading further into a situation it can certainly appear messy and confusing. Perhaps it is this dichotomy of sources that makes media objectivity so important.

Many have asked if, in the age of social media and ‘citizen journalism’, there is a place for traditional journalism? Can the best possible story be told without either one of these two sources? In my eyes, social media and media are not competing, but complementary.

Covering news in China or North Korea, for example, it would be difficult to escape the internet restrictions and create an unbiased and accurate picture of what is really happening using social media exclusively. News organisations and wire services have some access and sources which simply cannot be matched by citizen journalism.

Both face some of the same challenges in the future: Can writers, film makers and photographers continue to overcome a news agenda which is increasingly moving towards entertainment and trivia? Can legitimate and progressive discourse be created on twitter amid a barrage of self promotion, misinformation and celebrity culture? Despite limiting its users to 140 characters, twitter users still manage to produce an off-putting amount of spam.

Social media and mass media, in order to convey important information and messages, must overcome the financially beneficial urge to attract sales/hits by reducing the focus and quality of their output. Media en masse remains merely a distraction for some, but its power and potential to influence remain if it refrains from trying to compete with social media and plays to its own strengths.

For the inquisitive it is bliss: We can have our cake and eat it.

Fight fire with fire? Conflict intervention and the media

There are benchmarks and there are standards, but there is no constant when it comes to objectivity in journalism. Every story has unique facets which can change from day to day, the media emphasis shifting, voices promoted or silenced as events progress and situations change. In most cases it is appropriate to sit back and let those involved do the talking, and it is for the audience to be aware of the selection of voices, or the lack of access to key players.

Reporting on escalating civil conflict across the globe, Western media often seems blinkered to the idiosyncracies and pushes for the United Nations to arbitrate in order to quell the violence and pacify the region. The rise of user-generated content reinforces this standpoint; the atrocities we see in the news are despicable, but is outcry and pressure enough to elicit the right solution when more human lives are at stake?

If diplomacy fails, the UN have limited powers of arbitration beyond arming one group or bombing another, and media influence upon such decisions will always come from an unbiased standpoint. Media backing is unequivocal when Western powers paint themselves as the saviours of undemocratic, un-Christian societies. Conflict cannot be stopped by adding munitions any more than fire can be extinguished with petrol, therefore it could be said that unsophisticated media interpretation of events, and it’s subsequent influence, can do more harm than good.

Intervention is a double-edged sword: In Syria unarmed citizens are being bombed out of their homes, although their convictions remain intact. Would supplying them with weapons create a level playing field? Are the Syrian people magicians who can shoot rockets from the sky?

There is no instant defence against attack from above, in fact the intensification of shelling from Assad’s army may well be justified by ‘strengthening’ the peoples movement. Perhaps in the future an alternative recourse from failed diplomacy, sanctions, and militarisation maybe identified.

Some may argue that arming Libya was a success that halted the domination of an oppressive regime, but in the absence of power the people of Libya have not embraced the gift of democracy with enthusiasm. The situation remains one of a divided populous, only now there are more weapons, more danger.

Factor in that which makes the state of Libya a viable location for intervention (militarily strategic Middle Eastern geography; oil-rich, iconic figurehead dictator to topple) and the smoke clears; intervention is not just about conflict prevention, it is about the interests of the most powerful nations.

The reticence of major powers to green light intervention in African civil conflicts is symptomatic of three main themes: Poor relationships with governments, lack of perceived gain, and fear of criticism. The ineffective UN peacekeeping presence in Rwanda during the 90s painted an image of an armed force in flux, studying the situation in order to understand how best to proceed without contravening international mandates. All the while genocide continued around them.

Governments with no transparency make it nigh on impossible for the media to unearth the truth; there is also a significant risk element in genocidal tribal conflict such as that in Rwanda.

Kofi Annan, UN special envoy to Syria, this week vocalised his standpoint on affecting the outcome of the government rebel conflict- he denounced the use of force and weapons by UN forces, stating it was out of the question. If diplomacy makes no progress, what will be the UN’s next resort? Sanctions against Syria would harm an already beleaguered resistance, but does the UN have another viable alternative?

Media clamour will add weight to the discourse of armed intervention, although in doing so any claims to objective reporting will be null and void.

Solution-based journalism II: Embeds and narratives

Peace journalism is a positive and progressive approach to reporting conflict, but is it a misnomer? Vocalising solutions and rejecting the sterotypical model of event-driven, zero-sum engagement is to be commended, but there are many ways to tell a story, many ways to tell the truth.

There is an element of self-censorship inherent in peace journalism, of the author potentially refusing to aknowledge that their stance is enabled by unrest, instability, violence.

Op-eds and analysis seem to fit the peace journalism model (Maslow et al offer a succint breakdown of categories in their March 2006 paper, below) but can embedded reporters really tell the true story from the frontline and conform to a model lexicon, overriding the truth of what they see to avoid negative semiotic associations?

Some of the most emotive, moving and inspiring journalism is born from the pen of the embed, for example Sebastian Jungers’ ‘Into the Valley of the Shadow of Death’. The feature tells the story of an American platoon in the Korengal Valley, Afghanistan, as they attempt to establish an outpost and secure one of the most dangerous and contested areas on the planet.

Junger inspires pathos towards all parties involved, fighters on both sides and civillians, through skillful prose and well-observed anecdotes. It is a reminder that armies are comprised of people and that during conflict, sadly, accidents do happen.

What this type of narration cannot offer, however, is solution-based journalism: It contributes to the wider discourse of understanding conflict rather than a reductive role as an advocate of peace.

Editorial may chose to frame writing such as this in lose and selective historical context, but this kind of experience-based prose is crucial in changing public perception of conflict and paving the way for the complementary discipline of journalism for peace.

Solution-based journalism: Peace in print?

Is the media telling us what to think, or what to think about? Even more likely is that the consumer is being told how to think about a story, through the way that it is framed or the selective lexicon which engages either empathy or condemnation.

Reporting conflict encompasses the dilemmas above and wears thin the notion of journalistic objectivity. At what juncture, if any, should a journalist become a utilitarian and use their skill to promote peace? Media does have the power to influence public opinion and perception therefore should writers and reporters go further than playing the role of arbiter?

Limitations exist in the structure and norm of mainstream media: Newspapers do not pretend to be history texts and the reporting of conflict is packaged in a selective historical narrative: Westernised, incomplete, and by design leading the reader to adopt this frame, restricting their own analytical capacity.

Inherent ideologyt in news values further stunts our own analysis: You cannot be a patriot if you do not support your nations’ army abroad, and it is easier to be patriotic without analysis of purpose. Mining a similar vein, what is the purpose of the journalist in the battlefield? Is it enough to wire reports of body-count and armed engagement, relaying the chronology of a conflict event by bloody event, without recourse to questioning why so much bloodshed is neccassary?

The imperative of objectivity creates a barrier between the journalist as a potential agent for peace and the traditional normative values of covering a story. If a journalist can use their access to provide a platform for marginalised voices and parties during conflict are they promoting an unbiased viewpoint?

By contemporary media standards, it would appear not: If repression is a characteristic of a conflict then the journalist is expected to report as such. By way of example, the mainstream Western media have never had any interest in reporting civilian casualties of war. Life during wartime in occupied territory is marginalised, but arguably contains more power to end conflict than any number of weapons.

The temporary, event-driven narratives of conflict journalism attempt to capture the chaotic events and significant engagments between two sides. The chosen lexicon tells us who to root for and our inherent ideology immediately places the audience in opposition to ‘insurgents’, ‘militias’ and ‘terrorists’.

Rarely is the consumer encouraged to think about why a group has taken up arms, it is implicit in the text that they are culpable. A common descriptor such as ‘Islamic fundamentalists’, for example, is a connotative term, ambiguous and broad in meaning, but its impact in print is instant ‘othering’ of the group in question.

Through this use of language conflict is endorsed and in many spectators the desire to question its validity is subdued. All that remains is an event-driven narrative and the inevitable declaration of success and victory, where politiking and spin become the new rhetoric. All eyes turn to the next war, the process of peace is overlooked, and the news cycle begins again.

Johan Galtung promotes ‘peace journalism’ as “solution oriented news and analysis”, encouraging socially conscious journalists to subvert the established model of reporting conflict. This is international journalism where impartiality can give way to necessity and utilitarianism overrides the competitive profit-driven media industry.

Like so much progressive journalism, however, it is also peripheral, although it has been embraced by some mainstream journalists. This Robert Fisk article refuses to advocate or criticise, prioritising a complete narrative rather than a Western perspective. Media does not have the power to engage diplomacy and dialogue between conflicting factions, but it does have the influence to endorse it.

A new lexicon; unheard voices; dispensed ideologies and nationalism; complete historical narratives; the intention of progression, not propagation. A new journalistic responsibility and, perhaps, a new frontier?

War Porn: Exporting Conflict and Importing Violence

By way of a disclaimer, no hyperlinks in this article go directly to any potentially offensive websites. The site I used for research, http://www.gotwarporn.com, has since gone down.

The culture of the Western world is in flux, defined by an indistinct, insignificant year on a meaningless timeline. Since the Second World War the U.S. have been exporting their culture across the world, offering democracy with one hand, a pointing a gun with the other. In return the rest of the globe can expect to concede exclusivity of their identity, their resources and their politics; they can expect their culture and traditions to be undermined or lost; their people divided by changing values to the extreme where they turn upon one another. Neo-imperialism threatens any nation state under the premise of protectionism, resource war or ideological difference.

Consumer culture in the West holds up a cracked mirror to its distorted values and manufactures to normalise. Computer games don’t beget violence, quite the opposite in fact, they exist as an outlet to the violence which is no longer seeping through the cracks of society, but growing like fungus on the walls. Some seek to sanitise this outlet for aggression which is akin to war censorship; violence is a part of our humanity and if we seek to suppress it, it will merely foment elsewhere. The technological advances in entertainment are matched by the technologies of the battlefield; soldiers are all equipped with cameras, on the sights of their rifles or for personal purposes.

Barrack Obama’s attempted censorship of images proving Osama Bin Laden’s death provoked a powerful reaction in the U.S. The media demanded proof of Bin Laden’s slaying, apparently representing the public interest, or at least purporting to, and simultaneously suggesting and reinforcing the idea that any proof were needed. Is the head of any one man so significant that a government would deliberately deceive millions of people to bolster its own credibility?  Perhaps U.S. citizens instinctively distrust their political paragons, although there is no clamour for proof when policy changes or spending cuts are politically justified to them.

The difference is violence, gore, action, vengeance, suffering. And this is the American cultural landscape. Bin Laden was public enemy number one, but the culture of hysteria and misunderstanding (or refusal to contemplate understanding) that has been cultivated in the U.S. makes every native Iraqi or Afghan a potential trophy; death is proof of the righteousness of U.S. neo-imperialism, and a cause for celebration.

Celebrating victory could be seen as a global culture: It is an opportunity to affirm the strengths of our tribe and our cause, to mock and belittle the defeated, and to do both with the reckless abandon that comes with the knowledge that, for now, the worst is over and our responsibilities are diminished. Under psychological duress in a conflict environment where there is no real victory, only political exclamation or mass extraction from the battlefield, the end of every fire-fight carries the weight of increased significance. This is indefinite war waged abroad by an invading force, it is not the protection of the homefront, or a legitimate cultural threat; it is justified by the knowledge that you are in a land which is ruled and lived in alike by non-people.

When violence becomes the measure of success for cultural superiority, it is no surprise that a phenomenon such as War Porn would be born. It is the grotesque fetish of murder, normalised by meaningless, endless conflict and the distorted notion of what victory is. It is symptomatic of the 21st century where there is no empathy for others and a kill is considered a trophy. The military is a violent community propelled by an oppositional ideology; with no real barometer of success or victory, no positive affirmation of their cause, allowing these images and videos have become the true spoils of war.

I write this blog with unequivocal condemnation, but also to pose a question: How could mainstream media report this deplorable culture without further desensitising its audience to violence and normalising the existence of such behaviour? Conversely, is it appropriate that such horrific truths are censored? Our media, like our military, are more tech-savvy than ever, and images of violence move units and make money, unless they directly harm the coffers of the media organisation.

Constructing copy around images may create a consumer atmosphere of the medium dominating the message; not for everybody, but many who scan the media don’t necessarily absorb, analyse and criticise. Especially online, news is a passive activity, and repulsive images are temporary; it is an easy choice to look away. but a choice nonetheless.

War porn is an issue that needs to be addressed on a governmental level, not widely condemned by prominent political figures when a grotesque image or video is leaked. Political manufacturing of the news agenda ensures that something so damaging to U.S. credibility is swiftly removed from the headlines at home. Global media ensures that those in occupied countries who may see the positive aspects of U.S. intervention quickly change their outlook, and perhaps even their attitudes toward violence. Propaganda has told us that the U.S. aim to win hearts and minds abroad but these actions demonstrate an absence of either to a sickening degree.

I cannot recommend strongly enough this article by David Swanson: It is shocking, but at the same time thoughtful and sensitive to its subject.